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551 | Studying the symbolic complex of wild fauna as part of the general worldview of the peoples of Russia is one of the critical tasks of Russian ethnography. In order to solve this problem, fundamental studies of the material of individual ethnic groups (Russians, Veps) have been carried out. In this regard, it remains relevant to conduct further research on this topic, including the culture of other peoples. One of the central ornithomorphic images in the traditional worldview of many peoples of Eurasia is the image of the duck, which is due to its extensive habitat and the utilitarian value it has as an object of meat hunting. This image is ambiguous and characterized by an ambivalent meaning. This topic has not yet been explored in Buryat ethnography. This article is dedicated to the image of the duck in the mythological imagination of the Buryats. The work is based on folkloristic, linguistic, and ethnographic sources. The main method used in the work is the structural-semiotic method, which makes it possible to determine the symbolism reflecting the ideas about the duck. This waterfowl did not belong to the category of sacred, totemic animals, and the Buryats did not avoid its meat. It is pointed out that of the two Buryat duck names – hono and nugahan – the latter is the bird’s generic name and has a common Mongolian origin. It is emphasized that the image of the duck in Buryat mythology is polysemantic and ambiguous. According to traditional Buryat belief, the duck symbolizes the female principle. This water bird was associated with two spheres of life – the sky and the water - and served as a mediator between them. Its image was inscribed in the Buryats’ cosmogonic ideas about the world’s creation. In mythology and folklore, the duck was ascribed to a therapeutic function. The idea of a person turning into a duck is associated with a duck (turpan). The motif of the transformation of the soul of the deceased into a duck has also been passed down. In the folk symbolism of the Buryats, the duck has a negative connotation. Keywords: Buryats, traditional worldview, wild fauna, duck image, folklore | 178 | |||||
552 | The most important principle of the communication culture of the Altaians is respect for a person’s age, which is determined based on the 12-year "animal" calendar. Ages located in time function as successive stages of a person's life and are the subject of this article. In introducing the source base (field and published ethnographic and folklore material) into the scientific cycle, methodological research tools based on a combination of a comparative historical analysis method and methods of describing and systematizing the collected material were used. The study's relevance lies in the fact that against the devaluation of traditional family values in the context of globalization, the experience of intergenerational relations among Altaians is of interest. It was found that Altaians use two or three age-counting systems in parallel – the 12-decimal system, the 10-decimal system, and the 20-decimal system. It is noticeable that in the Altaic language, the word “jash” is used to refer to the concept of “year” as a unit of age counting, as opposed to the year “jyl” as an astronomical phenomenon (a series of seasons). The views of the Altaians about the return of "their" year after 11 lived years are determined, as well as the reasons for the passing century, including six calendar cycles (72 years). Ritual behaviors observed in the year one was born under a particular animal are described, revering the animal under whose mark one was born. Age definitions and idioms are given so that the number of years lived is not mentioned, while number symbolism (an even number in relation to the world of the living), a stereotype of thinking in traditional Altaic culture, is observed. A comparison of the age characteristics of old people with inanimate and insignificant objects of everyday life (a crutch, a block of wood, a stirring rod, a mortar), but not with characteristics of animals (a dog, a squirrel, a wolf, a camel), which are peculiar to young animals, is emphasized. It is concluded that the age calendar periods in the life of a person represent the polar halves: at the age of 12, 24, 36, and 48 years, characterized by an increasing and progressive tendency, at the age of 60 and 72 years, associated with aging and declining line. In connection with the three festivals of life – birth, marriage, and death – a person's physical entry and social descent are manifested. Keywords: Altaians, traditional communicating culture, age, calendar, life stages, age counting, field material, direct observation method | 177 | |||||
553 | The article deals with some episodes of Selkup history in the valley of the river Vakh and on the adjacent territory of the upper Taz River in the first half of the 18th century and at the beginning of the 20th century. The main topics discussed are the following: the localization of the Tymskaya and Karakonskaya volosts, their divisibility and connection with certain groups of the local population, the details of the final process of migration of the Selkup and the formation of their ethnic boundaries with the Khanty. The study is mainly based on the analysis and comparison of archival data with the material of previous historical and ethnographic publications. As a result, the research adjusted the previously assumed boundaries of the Tymsky volost on the Vakh River and the neighboring Karakonskaya volost on the Taz River. It turned out that the Selkups of the Karakonskaya volost had left the Vakh River by 1740 and were already in the basin of the neighboring Taz River. It turned out that the period of relatively free migration of the Selkups had already ended in the middle of the 18th century. Later, there were only movements of small groups of Selkups and Khanty in the space between the Vakh and Taz rivers and in both directions. Having decreased significantly in the early 19th century, limited social communication between the populations of the two river basins did not cease even after a century. A significant part of the Selkups of the river Vakh and their elite remained faithful to their ethnic identity in the first decades of the 20th century. The final rupture of ties between the Selkups of the Upper Taz and the Selkups of the Vakh and the disappearance of the community of the Selkups of the Vakh occurred in the middle of the 20th century. Keywords: ethnography of Western Siberia, migration, ethnicity, Tymskaya volost, Karakonskaya volost, Lyaryak | 176 | |||||
554 | Folklore collections usually complement ethnographic studies, as folklore provides ethnographers with valuable sources of information. Extracting and analyzing different types of text information is a well-known technique in the humanities. Therefore, it is promising to use folklore as a source for exploring and interpreting cultural values. This article uses a value-based approach to the study of culture. It aims to examine the folklore of ethnic groups in Kenya and neighboring regions as a source for identifying and interpreting sociocultural values. The main contribution of this article to a model for teaching Russian as a foreign language in educational institutions in Kenya is to give an idea of the traditional values of the peoples of Kenya and to show the importance of folklore for teaching as it appears in the fairy tales of peoples around the world. African fairy tales convey certain morals and reflect ancestor worship, beliefs in spirits, talismans, and the forces of nature. Since it is difficult to obtain information directly from the peoples of Kenya, the idea of using folklore to interpret cultural values seems quite promising, especially given the efforts of the Kenyan intelligentsia to focus the attention of urbanized Kenyan youth on their native culture while they receive their school and university education in English. The article discusses examples of applying ethnographic analysis to African fairy tale material to interpret sociocultural values. It suggests that folklore reflects the combination of universal and ethno-national values in a particular way: The examples of values considered are universal, but their expression is ethnic. Keywords: prosaic folklore of Kenyan ethnic groups, culture, value-based approach, ethnographic analysis, interpretation of values | 174 | |||||
555 | This article examines the harvesting strategies and methods of firewood utilization developed by the lowpopulation indigenous peoples of the Arctic – the Northern Selkups – as they adapted to local climatic conditions and the socio-economic and technological changes that time brought to their lives. The Selkups' traditional life support system did not involve the procurement of large quantities of firewood each season; firewood was stored for a short period of time. Selkups’ fishing camps were built where firewood was available. The Selkups of the Middle Taz who lived in the forest-tundra, unlike their relatives of the Upper Taz who lived in the taiga zone, often had a shortage of quality fuel and had to make greater efforts to procure firewood. The strategy of regularly replenishing the small supply of firewood obtained near the house is still used by the Selkups, who run a traditional economy, during the summer. However, the strategies for obtaining firewood in winter have changed among all northern Selkups: From the Russians, Selkups adopted the principle of amassing a large winter supply of firewood. In the procurement of firewood, the Selkups developed new relationships with the state, which supported them in the form of social organizations. There were major changes for all Selkups in the technical part of fuel procurement strategies: chainsaws, which are now used to prepare firewood, and snowmobiles, motorcycles, motorboats, trucks, caracats (ATVs) on which they are delivered, entered everyday life. Among the Selkups, firewood is not only used for heating and cooking. It is involved in a variety of economic activities, each of which uses its own technology and method of combustion. Keywords: Northern Selkups, fuel procurement strategies, firewood, heating, cooking, traditions, innovations | 174 | |||||
556 | The article deals with the historical processes of the formation of a special ethnic community in the north of the Purovsky district of YaNAO. Its base was the native Tundra Nenets and the newcomers Komi-Izhma. The Nenets, who lived on the lower reaches of the river. Pur, known to the Russian pioneers since the 17th century, resisted for a long time the imposition of their ruler Yasak and the construction of forts on the banks of the Taz Bay. The gradual pacification of the Nenets and the rationalization of the Yasak River led to the lower reaches of the Pur being almost completely forgotten by the Russians, and this area became a "bear corner." Only the development of the fishing industry in the second half of the XIX century reawakened the interest of the authorities in this area. Most of the Nenets were engaged in fishing, leaving their few reindeer in herds. This tumultuous activity of fishermen affected the gathering of yasak and led to the decline of local reindeer herding. During the Soviet period, extraordinary measures were taken to revive reindeer herding on the lower reaches of the Pur River. The dispossessed Komi-Izhemtsy from the western regions of Yamal and Khanty-Mansiysk districts were voluntarily and forcibly resettled here, and the Samburg administrative center was built. The active and enterprising Komi-Izhma brought to the lower reaches of the Pur the advanced methods of reindeer grazing developed over decades. Gradually, local Nenets reindeer herders adopted the Komi-Izhma's new skills to run a profitable economy. As the representatives of the two peoples came closer, individual elements of traditional culture were exchanged. The influence of the Komi-Izhemtsy proved to be stronger. Mixed Izhma-Nenets families emerged. The Nenets mastered the language of the Komi-Izhma. Women from mixed families stopped sewing the traditional fur coats and switched to Izhma malitsa, which differed from men only by a hood made of white deerskin. Today, the processes of urbanization and industrial development of the land on the lower reaches of the Pur River affect the daily life of Samburg reindeer herders and fishermen. Nevertheless, the Nenets and Komi-Izhma continue to lead a traditional economy and preserve a unique culture that adapts to new conditions. Keywords: Nenets, Komi-Izhma, Pur River, Samburg, interethnic contacts, reindeer herding | 172 | |||||
557 | The article describes the results of the author's trip to Selkup Porg - the image of the spirit on the tree, located on the fishing grounds on the river. Sailing, the right tributary of the middle Taz. The results of the trip include the scientific fixation of the monument and the ritual of feeding the spirit, as well as a number of conclusions drawn from the analysis of the collected material. The most important discovery of the study was the identification of a female spirit carved in a porg with the main Selkup deity, the Old Woman Ilyntyl Kota, described in detail in the works of E.D. Prokofieva, after which the Porg received a detailed characterization and a visualization of the divine Old Woman in a sculptural image. Moreover, the Porg of the Parusovs is her only verified image to date. The trip to the Porg confirmed that the belief in spirits and their magical power is still alive among the Selkups. However, changes were noted in relation to this spirit. Since the Old Woman depicted on the Porg is the mistress of all the Earth, all people living on Earth can look at her, make offerings to her, and ask her for protection and help, according to the Guardian. In the Selkup tradition, there was no such broad interpretation of the group of people who have access to the Porg, so this phenomenon is due to an innovation. The study has revealed the fact, still unknown to science, that the burial of the house spirits of three Selkup clans under a Porg tree provides a probable explanation. Keywords: Selkups, traditional worldview, images of spirits on a tree, the ritual of feeding spirits, transformations of traditional culture, innovations | 171 | |||||
558 | Features of religious doctrine, religious practices, and norms of behavior are among the significant group characteristics of confessional communities. This list of religious characteristics and their interpretations can differ considerably depending on whether they are used for identification from the perspective of the group members (self-identification) or identification by others. The understanding of one’s own faith as true and saving faith is reflected in religious terminology and often becomes a decisive factor in the formation of confessional terms. The article analyzes the semantic and pragmatic components of self-designations and key religious terms of the Komi folk Orthodox movement bursylysyas (ver. ‘singers of goodness’), which emerged at the beginning of the 20th century. This study is based on archive and published material from the first half of the 20th century. The bursylysyas movement emerged at the beginning of the 20th century in the Komi villages on the upper Vychegda. The most important elements of the religious practices were spiritual conversations, during which religious hymns were sung in the Komi language, led by a local peasant, Stefan Yermolin, and after his death by other lay people. The religious terminology of the Komi folk Orthodox movement bursylysyas is an example of selfidentification and self-designation, as it refers to certain collective acts performed for religious reasons that unite the group. The self-designation of the religious group and the names of the religious practices reflected the religious and ethical notions of goodness (bur), demonstrated a high regard for their own doctrine, and emphasized the special status of their followers. The names of the leader and his followers – burvystalys‘ 'singers of goodness' / burkyvzysyas ‘hearers of goodness' – were closely linked. The direct meaning of these terms, reflecting certain signs and actions, was combined with additional symbolic meanings denoting the status of a religious leader and his followers. The change of the self-name of the religious group and the name of the spiritual talks after the death of S. Yermolin shows the importance of the personality of the founder of the religious movement as well as the reconsideration of his own role by his followers. Keywords: bursylysyas, religious terminology, religious practice, confessionym, Komi | 171 | |||||
559 | Interdisciplinary studies of urban linguistic landscapes, which have recently shown considerable dynamics, are among the most actively developing areas of modern humanitarian knowledge. The main task of the research is to describe linguistic landscapes in the context of general issues of multilingual communicative practices, ethnic identity, and language policy. The methodology for studying visual ethnic information represented in urban spaces is constantly evolving. This article attempts to describe the modern bilingual landscape of Petrozavodsk. The Karelian language only began to appear on the city’s streets relatively recently, when the city administration began installing bilingual street signs in Russian and Karelian in 2021. The objectives of this study included not only describing the formation of the modern linguistic landscape in a diachronic way but also analyzing the peculiarities of the naming process of toponyms in Karelian. To this end, the study involved interviews with experts (translators and linguists) who created street signs in Karelian. During the interview, the basic principles of toponym selection were clarified. An equally important task of the work was to find out the opinion of Karelian residents about the use of street signs and façade signs in Karelian in the city. A sociolinguistic questionnaire was developed to carry out the survey. The survey results, in which 60 informants took part, show that the inhabitants of the city and the entire republic have a positive attitude towards the visualization of the Karelian language and the majority believe that it should be expanded. The positive attitude of the informants is directly related to the symbolic function of Karelian language elements in the linguistic landscape. A separate block of questions in the questionnaire aimed to clarify the symbolic area. The analysis of the material has shown that the written represen tations of the Karelian language in the urban space are not related to the possibility of linguistic commodification but to the symbolic dimension of the linguistic landscape – ethnic identity, preservation, and popularization of the Karelian language and its national and cultural value. Keywords: linguistic landscape, the Karelian language, sociolinguistics, multilingualism, identity, survey | 164 | |||||
560 | This article examines the articulatory-acoustic features of the vowel type [a] of the Karaidel dialect of the Bashkir language. The study's relevance arises from the fact that the phonetic system of the Bashkir language has so far been described mainly based on the researcher's observations and auditory perception. In this context, we are faced with the task of determining the characteristics of phonemes and their allophones with the help of modern recordings in WAV format and using new techniques and computer programs. The study aims to present a detailed analysis of the quality of the vowel type [a] in monosyllabic lexemes in anlaut and medial positions in the Karaidel dialect of the northwestern dialect of the Bashkir language. The novelty of the work lies in the fact that, for the first time, the experimental acoustic method is used to describe the vowel phoneme [a]. The work is based on expedition recordings made by the author in 2022–2023 in the settlements of the Karaidel region in the Republic of Bashkortostan. The recording and decoding were carried out using a unique phonetic technique. The acoustic analysis was carried out using the Speech Analyzer 3.0.1 computer program. The description follows the methodology used in the Laboratory for Experimental Phonetic Research named after. V. M. Nadelyaev Institute of Philology SB RAS. In the main part of the article, an analysis of the vowel [a] in anlaut (VC) and inlaut (CVC) positions in such monosyllabic words as ay 'moon, month,' may 'butter, fat' and mal 'cattle' in the pronunciation of four informants are presented. Previous Bashkir researchers classified the variant of the phoneme [a] in these positions in Karaidel and other dialects of the northwestern dialect of the Bashkir language as labialized 'a°' or as 'o' with the element 'a'. According to our experimental phonetic studies, the vowel 'a' at the beginning of words and in the first closed syllables was recorded as a complex two-component sound 'oa,' called a dufon (by N.S. Urtegeshev), which consists of two elements: the first is a guttural-rounded type 'o', and the second is a gutturalunrounded type 'a'. Keywords: Bashkir language, Karaidel subdialect, two-component vowel sound, dufon, allophone | 160 | |||||
561 | The article examines the constructions of the causation of negative emotions in the Buryat language. The relevance of the work is related to a comprehensive approach to the study of such functional and semantic categories as causativity, which involves the study of the category from the point of view of the interaction of various linguistic facts. The subject of the study is emotional constructions that demonstrate the interaction of the categories of emotivity and causativity. In modern linguistics, there is an increased interest in the problem of the category of emotivity, which is related to the need to study emotions and their representation in language. The emotion of anger is one of the basic negative emotions. The work aims to identify the semantic and structural components of causative constructions that express negative emotional effects and evoke feelings such as anger, irritation, dissatisfaction, and rage in the Buryat language. The novelty of the work lies in the fact that the definition of the main components of Buryat structures, which represent the emergence of feelings such as anger, irritation, and rage, is carried out for the first time. The theoretical and methodological basis of the work is formed by the works of Russian and foreign linguists (V. I. Shakhovsky, A. Vezhbitskaya, K. Izard, and many others). A solid sample of causative constructions contained in the electronic corpus of the Buryat language served as research material. The results show that causative constructions represent a situation with an emotional impact that evokes a certain reaction in the subject. There are sufficient morphological causatives in the Buryat language to indicate the causation of anger. Some peculiarities in their use have been noted. For example, the verb suhald-uul-ha is more frequent than uurl-uul-ha, which can be explained by the fact that the emotion represented by the lexeme uurla-ha ‘getting angry’, unlike suhald-ha, is perceived by native speakers as an inherent human state that has no external stimuli and is not subject to causation. Non-functional, causative constructions are involved in the representation of emotional effects. Polypredicative constructions with circumstantial meaning and components in direct speech are used when describing an emotional stimulus. Instrumentalis, intensifying adverbs, and adverbial forms are used to amplify the meaning of the emotional effect. Keywords: causativity, emotivity, causative construction, emotive construction, causative verb, emotional effect, negative emotions, intensifiers, Buryat language | 160 | |||||
562 | The Anikin Kamen 1 burial ground is located in the Tomsk district of the Tomsk region. A. D. Gaman excavated it in 1994 and 1996. The burial ground consisted of two groups of burial mounds: a northern and a southern one. This article examines the findings from the southern group. The work aims to analyze the objects and finds in the burial mounds and the soil, including special wooden constructions for burial and memorial rituals, from the southern burial mound group of the Anikin Kamen 1 burial ground and to relate these objects and finds to other cultures of the High Middle Ages in the upper and middle Ob region. In addition to the objects found in the burial mounds (animal bones, stones, pottery, personal items), burnt wooden constructions were also found in two burial mounds. Similar objects were found in monuments of the Srostki, Basandaika, and Kyshstovka cultures in western Siberia. The finds in the burial mounds and soil indicate that the burial and memorial rituals were carried out. These rituals can be traced back to the Upper and Middle Ob regions’ Early and High Middle Ages. In the High Middle Ages, special wooden constructions were erected inside and outside the burial mounds in this area. The author of this work agrees with the opinion of M. F. Kosarev that all burial and memorial acts are connected with a pagan worldview of rebirth. Keywords: burial ground, burial, funeral and commemoration rituals, wooden cult constructions | 155 | |||||
563 | The article examines the names of butterflies in the Altai language from the point of view of their morphological and lexical-semantic features. The relevance of the study lies in the lack of knowledge of this lexicalsemantic group of words. The work uses descriptive, comparative methods as well as methods of morphological, lexical-semantic, and motivational analysis. The novelty of the study lies in the identification of the composition of the vocabulary denoted by butterflies, in the study of the internal form of these insectonyms, the main methods of naming and word formation models, in the determination of the national and cultural characteristics of this lexical-semantic group in the Altai language. The generic name kӧbӧlӧk ‘butterfly’ belongs to the general Turkic vocabulary, while the specific names are Altai. Certain stereotypes about butterflies have developed in the popular consciousness of Altai people: a negative attitude towards nocturnal butterfly species, which are ‘ugly in color,’ and daytime butterflies which ‘harm plants.’ Some names of butterflies reflect the mythological idea that butterflies are creatures created by the deity of the underworld. These insectonyms include various mythonyms associated with the shamanic and pagan beliefs of the Altai people. In the fiction of the Altai people, the butterfly is a symbol of beauty, lightness, and freedom. Various lexical-semantic features and word formation models characterize the names of the butterflies. Decisive for naming butterflies were the characteristics of color, habitat, action, their similarity to other representatives of the fauna, and some mythologies that connect these insects with the other world. When naming butterflies, a distinction is made between one-part and mostly two-part (compound) words, which are formed using suffixes and analytical methods. When forming insectonyms, the most productive suffixes are -chy/-che, -ak/-ek/-k, -gash. Between the components of the actual complex compound names of insects, the attributive or isafetic connection is the most characteristic. Lexicalization, conversion with affixation (konokchy, talbyŋduush), and calquing (kachangash ‘butterfly lands on cabbage’) can be observed in the word-formation of this entomological group of vocabulary. The material studied can be used in the compilation of translation, explanation, and terminology dictionaries of the Altai language, which constitutes the practical value of this article. Keywords: Altai language, lexicology, word formation, lexical-semantic group, motivation, internal form of the word, insectonyms, insects, zoonyms, butterflies, fauna of the Altai Mountains | 152 | |||||
564 | This article was written according to the author’s report in September 2023 at the Tomsk State Pedagogical University at the international conference “XXX Dulson Readings”. This work describes how to express the concept of the verb ‘to go’ in Udihe. After analyzing about 80 verbs meaning ‘to go,’ we have concluded that this verb is expressed in the language in two basic ways – lexically and derivationally. The derivational suffix -nawith the semantic purpose of the movement is attached to the verbs of different lexical-semantic groups and transfers these verbs into the lexical-semantic group ‘to go’ (ulene- ʻto go digʼ, guŋne- ʻto go say something). An important feature is the lexical diversity of the verbs, which denote not only general but also specific types of the verb ‘to go’ (eme- ʻto comeʼ, uǯa- ʻto follow the track of an animal, aŋanagi- ʻto go backʼ). In addition, this paper discusses several verbs whose figurative meaning correlates with the concept of the verb ‘to go’ (ñuhana- ʻdiveʼ, edine- ʻblow windʼ). This study is based on the work devoted to the related Manchu-Tungusic languages – Manchurian, Nanay, Evenki, Oroch, and Orok (Uilta). The material of the Samoyed and Turkic languages that are typologically similar to Udihe – Nenets, Tuvan, Altai, and Khakass – is also of interest. In addition, the material of the Slavic and Germanic languages that are typologically different from Udihe – Russian and English – is also involved in the study. Keywords: Udihe language, the concept of the verb ‘to go,’ the word formation method, lexical variety, purpose of movement, figurative use of verbs, Manchu-Tungusic languages | 152 | |||||
565 | This article examines the Tuvan mythological representations of shamanic headdresses. It shows that the role and meaning of the ritual hats of magical specialists used in rituals were interpreted differently in the Tuvan environment. The popular interpretations of shamanic headdresses reflect the most important concepts of shamanism - the tripartition of the world, ideas about the shaman’s choice, his role as a mediator between the world of humans and spirits, the shaman’s guardian spirits and assistants, the meaning and symbolism of the shaman’s hat in the performance of rituals. The semantic and pragmatic aspects of images of the human face, often found on ritual headdresses, are analyzed. The ideas of the tradition bearers about the painted parts of the human face (eyes, nose, mouth, ears) on shaman hats, which were supposed to have a magical influence on the course of rituals, fulfill ritual functions – increase the ritual power of the shaman, support him in rituals and protect him from hostile forces. It has been proven that the Tuvan shamans used bird feathers for their ritual hats and bird heads and animal skins, which were regarded as protective spirits and helpers of the shaman. According to Tuvan belief, during the rituals, the shaman took on the form of the animals and birds that adorned his headdress and were his guardian spirits to achieve positive results from the ritual. The distinguishing features of the shaman’s hats within the ritual depended on its goals – for better or for worse, on the age of the magical specialist, often also on the nature of the healing ritual – for a seriously ill or dying person, because strong shamans leading the ritual practice could wear two headdresses depending on the semantic orientation of the ritual. According to the Tuvans, the headdress of a Tuvan shaman as part of his ritual clothing fulfilled ritual, magical, communicative, contacting, symbolic, differentiating, and protective functions. Keywords: Tuvan shamanism, shaman’s headdress, semantics and pragmatics, functions, images of a human face, manufacturing materials | 152 | |||||
566 | This article is devoted to the description of Khakass proverbs and sayings that depict the image of a family and family relationships. Currently, many issues related to the description of the image of the family through paremic expressions in the Khakass language have not yet been adequately addressed, which determines the relevance of this study. The authors have concluded that the image of the family is widespread in Khakass proverbs and sayings. It is found in the images of bride/groom, husband/wife, father/mother, children, and brother/sister. The images of bride and groom are represented by the traditional marriage customs of the Khakass, in which the seok (clan) plays an important role. The relationship between husband and wife is governed by behavioral norms based on the principles of equality, friendship, love, and loyalty to each other. Mothers and fathers act as role models for their children, who often inherit their character traits and habits. The mother’s image is endowed with warm qualities and seems more significant than the image of the father, whom his children and relatives respect. Children, brothers, and sisters are the main components of family relationships in Khakass paremiology. The theme of children in Khakass paremiology is emphasized by the emotional and evaluative aspect of perceiving a child as an object of love and tenderness on the one hand and as a manifestation of parental disappointment and bitterness in response to their indifference on the other. The difficulties of bringing up children are addressed, as is the problem of childlessness against the background of the value of a large family. The brother’s image is endowed with the role of protector and supporter of the family, as is that of the sister – with kindness, tenderness, and responsiveness. The preservation of the ethnocultural constants of the traditional Khakass worldview, which represents the highest value of the integrity of the family and the clan, must be observed. The image of the family in Khakass society consists of adherence to the basic principles of mutual help, support, respect for each other, honoring the elders, and caring for the younger ones. Keywords: image of the family, image of children, proverbs and sayings, paroemia, marital relations, kinship relations, Khakass language | 146 | |||||
567 | 145 | ||||||
568 | The Khakas’ traditional way of life and economic activity was connected with horse breeding, which was given an important place. The daily life of the Khakas, the cattle breeders, was inextricably linked to the horse, on which practically their entire life depended – from daily housework to eating. This has contributed to the development of a whole complex of ideas about this domestic animal as the closest living creature to man in the traditional consciousness of the people. In the world view of the Khakas, the horse is not only perceived as an indispensable companion and faithful helper to humans but also as an equal partner in the ‘horse and human’ tandem. This article aims to characterize the concept of ‘horse and human’ in the traditional worldview of the Khakas. The time frame of the work is limited to the late XIX–XX century. The available sources on the research topic determine the choice of this time frame. Ethnographic and folkloristic materials served as the source basis. The study follows the principle of historicism, in which each cultural phenomenon is considered in its development and in the light of a specific historical situation. The research methodology uses historical and ethnographic methods: Remains (relics) and semantic analysis. According to the study results, the author concludes that the positive ideological concept of ‘horse and human’ was among the most important in the Khakas’ traditional culture. This, of course, testifies to the extremely important role that the horse played in the material and spiritual spheres of the life of these people. In the traditional consciousness of the Khakas, the image of this animal is very close to that of man; it is not only understood as a faithful friend and helper of its master but is also endowed with human qualities. The concept of ‘horse and human’ was elaborated in epic works and folk proverbs, sayings, and riddles. In the oral folk art of the Khakas, the images of ‘horse and human’ are inextricably linked. They complement each other and form a whole. In folklore, the ideas about a horse and its owner are manifested through a pictorial parallel. An associative-symbolic comparison is drawn between the behavior of humans and horses. It is noted that the image of this animal is strongly anthropomorphized and is often symbolically identified with humans. Keywords: Khakas, traditional culture, worldview, the concept of ‘horse and human,’ image, symbol, folklore, socio-normative attitudes | 144 | |||||
569 | The article is devoted to a little-researched topic – the modern concept of death and the burial and memorial rituals of the Yakuts. The material for the article was collected over the last ten years during archeological and ethnographic expeditions in Central Yakutia. The research aims to raise a problem for the study of death in modern Yakut culture and to introduce field material into the academic field. The modern rules and traditions of funeral and memorial rites result from an overlap of early pagan, Christian, and late Soviet traditions, but with a high degree of conservatism. The fear of death and the dead persists (especially the fear of people who have died a ‘bad’ death). The conditions of death and elements of funeral rituals remain a kind of label for the life of a good person. In modern times, the traditional indicators of a good life are supplemented by professional success, social prestige, and material wealth. An ‘easy’ death confirms this with high-quality funeral arrangements and the number of guests at the memorial dinner. There is a desire to carry out the entire cycle of funeral and memorial rituals correctly to bring peace to the soul of the deceased and ensure the safety of loved ones. At the same time, in Central Yakutia, local differences were noted in the calculation of the period from the occurrence of death to burial, the disposal of personal belongings, and the organization of the memorial meal. The depicted interpretation of the ordeals of the soul of iye-kut on its way to the world of ancestors reflects an ideal scenario of a cattle breeder’s life: the presence of family and descendants, a horse breeding with all aspects of a cattle household from participation in horse races to the Kumys festival. The modern burial rite of the Yakuts holds great information potential and can serve as a source for a study of self-identification and various aspects of culture. Keywords: burial rite, tradition, death, fear of death, soul, life scenario, cattle breeding | 142 | |||||
570 | Research results on infant and child mortality in the second half of the 19th century and its causes among immigrants from Central Asia are presented. Although they were representatives of different nationalities (Tajiks, Uzbeks, Uyghurs, Karakalpaks, Kazakhs), in Siberia, they were combined into one ethnosocial group and referred to as Bukharians and Sarts. The Bukharians lived mainly together with the Yezaks and the military service Tatars; there are even two Bukharian settlements in the Tobolsk district – the Komarovskie (Komarau) and Mirimovskie (Kollar) yurts. The research materials are Komarov mosque books from the 19th and early 20th centuries of the Tobolsk province, written in the old Tatar language with Arabic script. So far, there are no studies dealing with the problem of mortality among the 19th-century Siberian Tatars, which is the novelty of this work. Our data show that the total mortality rate in the period under study (1835–1852, 1854–1862) amounted to 94% of the birth rate, of which children accounted for 55%. The quantitative component of deaths by age is shown: Newborns (from birth to one month) – 8 %, from one month to one year – 26 %, from one year to 5 years – 49 %, from 6 years to 16 years – 17 %. The most common causes of death were respiratory diseases (suffocation, asthma, consumption, cough), and the second most common causes of death were infectious diseases (smallpox, measles, rubella, jaundice, fever, leprosy). In 29 cases, the cause of death was given as “childhood illness”; the age of the deceased ranged from 2 days to 15 years, but most (90 %) were infants under one-year-old. The worst year in terms of the number of deaths was 1842 (12 children were born, 22 died, the most “dangerous” was the age of children from 1 to 5 years – 12 deaths (55%). The high child mortality rate (especially in infancy) was characteristic of Russia in general. The analysis of the causes of infant and child mortality in Western Siberia in the 19th and early 20th centuries allows us to determine the chronological framework of the outbreak periods of diseases and epidemics, to identify diseases typical for the region, to correlate the interpretations of the names of diseases (characterization of the cause of death by the imam, variable records, dialect names, and pronunciation). Keywords: Tobolsk province, Komarovskaya mosque, Muslim metric books, mosque books, demographic processes, causes of death | 141 | |||||
571 | This monograph is dedicated to the mobility practices of the hunters, reindeer herders, and fishermen of the Northern Baikal Evenkis and their engagement with life in the world through the structures they build and use in the context of numerous development projects and innovations. The monograph is based on field data collected by the author in the northern Baikal region of the Republic of Buryatia from the Evenki of the village of Kholodnaia. A distinctive feature of this monograph is an important methodological change, as the subject of the study is the process of the Evenkis’ movement and their mobility. The dynamic perspective made it possible to analyze the objects of stationary and mobile Evenki structures as embedded in a complex network of movements connecting a number of places. The author rejected the rigid dichotomy between sedentary and mobile populations and, accordingly, between the village and the taiga, as well as between Evenki and other villagers who use space in a similar way. As a theoretical approach, V.N. Davydov uses A. Escobar’s concept of ‘life projects’ of the local population vs. development projects and the phenomenological approach of T. Ingold. For centuries, the Evenkis have been involved in the life of the Russian state and in various development projects that they adapt to their life-sustaining practices, ways, and methods of movement. The Evenki village is shown as a space of intense internal mobility, and some of its inhabitants’ “opportunistic” lifestyles are examined for the first time. V. N. Davydov emphasizes that the inhabitants have adapted to the development projects to realize their life projects connected with the task of maintaining the connection to nature and society. The Evenkis use new infrastructures to move around the landscape regularly and have adopted various innovations in modern society. At the same time, they have preserved the Evenkis ethos of mutual aid, creativity, and sociality. Keywords: Northern Baikal Evenkis, village of Kholodnaia, socio-economic changes, use of space, resources, mobility | 141 | |||||
572 | The archeological work of A.P. Dulzon in the catchment area of the river Ket from 1952 onwards has lost no scientific relevance to this day. He paved the way for many decades for historical and cultural studies in the Ket River region. To date, the Ket River has been insufficiently explored from an archeological perspective. Its tributaries on the right bank, which are characterized by a considerable length, remain a “blank spot” on the map of the Tomsk region, as they are difficult to access. In 2020, archeologists organized an exploratory expedition to the Orlovka River, one of the largest tributaries of the right bank of the river Ket. This watercourse has been wellknown to Russians since the 17th century. It is mentioned by travelers and explorers and is recorded in early cartographic materials. In the 1930s, an Evenki nomadic village council was established in its catchment area, which practiced a nomadic farming lifestyle until the 1980s. The main task of the reconnaissance in 2020 was to verify the information of the local population about the presence of archeological sites in the middle and upper reaches of the Orlovka River. Two large settlement complexes were discovered based on the work results. One was located on the banks of the Tura River, the other – at the mouth of the Vtoraya Rechka river. The latter complex includes a fortified settlement with a circular defense system. The dating question of these monuments has not yet been clarified. Random finds from the settlement on the Vtoraya Rechka river indicate that one of the periods in which it was in operation was the late Middle Ages and possibly the modern period. According to written sources, this fragment of the Ket River region was inhabited by the population of the Ostyak Pitkin volost in the 17th to 19th centuries. Most likely, the operation of the settlement complex during this period can be associated with this population group. The results of the 2020 reconnaissance indicate the archeological potential of the right bank of the Ket River and the need to conduct targeted field studies here. Keywords: Ket river region, Ket uyezd, Pitkin volost, Ket river, Orlovka river, archeology, ethnography, Evenks, settlement, fortified settlement | 138 | |||||
573 | The article is devoted to the analysis of the structure of Russian and Buryat legends about the Barguts, which belong to the microlocal tradition (Barguzinsky district of the Republic of Buryatia). Comparative studies of the legends created by Russian settlers when settling in new territories compared to the legends of the indigenous peoples are considered important. The work aims to determine the peculiarities of the local tradition of the Buryats and Russians in the legends of the Barguts and the peculiarities of the reflection of ethnocultural features in the conditions of territorial interethnic contacts. The imagological method of analysis will make it possible to trace the process of formation of the image of the stranger (the Bargut) in the Russian tradition in comparison with the Buryat view of this image, and the hermeneutic method of interpretation of the narratives is also required. The legends tell of the Barguts, one of the Mongolian tribes that once inhabited this region. The sources of the study are archival records of Russian legends and field materials of the author of the work. In legends with a similar plot, the reason for the exodus of the Indigenous people of the region is a single motif, namely the appearance of a white birch tree in a coniferous forest, characterized by the opposition’ friend – foe’ by the color code ‘white – black’, the phytocode ‘birch – coniferous’. As part of the study, the structural characteristics of the legends about the Barguts in various ethnic traditions were determined. A variable transformation of the invariant of the exodus motif of the Barguts in the Russian tradition, which is connected with the legends of the Chudes, is revealed: they go away, bury themselves, dig themselves into pits, throw themselves off cliffs, drown themselves in rivers. The motif of the suicide of foreign, hostile people is the most important structural factor in the construction of Russian legends. In the Buryat legends, the stable motif of departure, and not mythological suicide, is connected with the historical events of the exodus of the Barguts, a closely related tribe, and their contemporaries. The most important conclusion is the identification of the phenomenon of folkloric local narrative, in which the content of ethnic and/or historical memory, transformation, and adaptation to a foreign cultural stereotype is manifested. Under the conditions of the cultural border, the ‘foreign’, which acquires an ambiguous meaning, almost becomes the ‘own.’ Keywords: Russians, Buryats, ethnoculture, border areas, local traditions, motif invariant, motif variants, Сhude, exodus | 138 | |||||
574 | The article aims to raise the question of the existence of a deep and, therefore, unexplored Uralic Adstratum in the historiography of the nomadic confederation of the epoch of a certain area – Eastern Transbaikalia. The article is devoted to little-studied topics, the range of which is very wide, as they are related to the results of regional archeology and regional historical onomastics. In connection with the aim of clarifying the issues of cultural genesis and ethnogenesis of the Buryats by providing an example of understanding related sciences, the article attempts to solve a number of problems. First, the article describes the etymology of oikonyms, the topological basis of which is connected with the Dagur language. The names of the settlements (oikonyms) illustrate the Daurian historical period of Eastern Transbaikalia. Secondly, the article attempts to connect the unclear aspects of regional studies with historical onomastics using the example of archeological cultures. Toponyms, which in their possible meaning reveal a connection between the ancient Mongolian tribes and a very distant period, illustrate the presence of fortified settlements – taras’. Thirdly, this article aims to comprehensively understand the presence of adstrate-substrate elements of a particular zone as an area of the diachronic Ural-Altai language union due to the contact of different ethnic elements. The stratigraphy of the toponymic substrate and adstratum makes it possible to declare the presence, in addition to the Ob-Ugric substrate, of a deeper adstratum that reveals a connection with the Ural-speaking tribes of Tartaria. The article contains a comprehensive description of the results of regional archeology (including Lake Baikal) and regional onomastics, which makes it possible to assess the scientific value of the question of the ethnolinguistic origin of the era of the ancient Mongolian tribes of the so-called White Tatars. The unknown White Tatars, who belonged to nomadic confederations, are perhaps those mysterious inhabitants of North Asia, from whom the practice of building fortified settlements – Kars and Taras – as well as palace complexes – the Konduisky Palace – has been preserved. Keywords: fortified settlements – Taras, Kondui Palace, Dagur language, Burkhotuy, Darasun archeological cultures, toponyms, Eastern Transbaikalia, Tartary, White Tatars | 134 | |||||
575 | The article examines the changes in the organization of a feast in a village in Komi in 1917–1960 and identifies the ethnocultural peculiarities in the composition of the feast dishes. The relevance of the topic is explained by the need to examine the process of feasting to preserve identity in a multinational world. The sources for writing the article were the memories of residents of the Komi Republic and photos of feasts from that time. The emergence of a new festive culture was associated with the ideological restructuring of society and the state. The new holidays were divided into three types: those associated with the most significant events in Soviet history (October Revolution); those that sacralized the social structure (Teacher’s Day); “those that embodied a certain ideologeme” (International Labor Day). The knowledge of the previously existing program for celebrating the holidays of the church calendar was retained, as well as some food attributes (Kulich, Easter cake) of the calendar ritual. The organization of the new holidays of the Soviet era according to the developed scheme was carried out by the local administration and Komsomol activists, and participation in the festive events was mandatory for everyone. However, the food crisis, which was observed from the beginning of the revolutionary events until the end of the 1950s, did not allow mass festivities to be organized. The social feasts of a rural community with rich food, characteristic of the 1920s, were replaced by modest tea parties with traditional pastries, whose festive atmosphere was created by background music. However, the earlier practice of holding a public feast at the end of farm work remained. A certain improvement in food supplies in the 1950s made it possible to organize house parties for a circle of people connected by kinship or professional interests. At the same time, the integrating character of the feast remained. Festive dishes were prepared from homemade products; only flour and cereals, tea, gingerbread, cakes, sweets, and alcoholic beverages were bought. Purchased sweets and alcohol were clearly considered attributes of the festive table. The ethnocultural character of the festive menu was evident in the practice of serving traditional baked goods, game and fish dishes, mushrooms, and berries. Keywords: feast culture, Soviet era, feast, Komi village, food | 133 | |||||
576 | The article examines the directions of scientific research of the Tomsk Linguistic School founded by A. P. Dulzon from 2017 to 2023, describes the results of scientific, supervisory, and pedagogical activities aimed at studying the languages of the autochthonous ethnic minorities of Siberia, and outlines the prospects for further scientific research. During this period, three dissertations were written and defended for the degree of candidate of philological sciences, three annotated folklore and everyday prose texts in the languages of the Ob Yenisei region were published, including material on the Selkup, Ket, Chulym-Turkic, Teleut, Khanty and ChulymTurkic languages, four monographs on the Selkup and Chulym-Turkic languages and four research projects were carried out. At present, the Khanty, Selkup, Chulym-Turkic, Ket, and Teleut languages are being researched with the help of modern achievements in linguistics, folklore, and other related sciences. Keywords: linguistic school by A.P. Dulzon, studies of endangered languages, indigenous ethnic groups, the Selkup language, the Khanty language, the Ket language, the Chulym-Turkic language, the Teleut language | 130 | |||||
577 | The topic of this article is lexical transformations as peculiar markers of the dynamics of modern language systems. However, in the context of the erasure of national differences, scholarly attention is focused on the process of regionalization, the relevance of which is ensured by its important role in intercultural communication: as a mechanism for the formation of national identity, regionalization is a kind of reaction to the negative challenges of globalization. The article aims to consider various manifestations of the dictionary updating process and compare modern Russian and Ossetian vocabulary in this respect. Russian explanatory dictionaries and translated Ossetian-Russian dictionaries were used as research material; information from a linguistic survey of a particular population group is undoubtedly relevant. The observations on the following vectors of the mentioned dynamics are presented: Neologization and internationalization of vocabulary; democratization and liberalization of vocabulary; the return of obsolete lexemes into active word use; and characteristic shifts in the structure of conceptual content motivated by the updating of denotations. The peculiarities of vocabulary changes in the Russian and Ossetian lexical systems are presented based on relevant observations. It is argued that within the processes of neologization and internationalization, the nature of the dynamics in these languages is generally identical, although the innovations in Ossetian vocabulary are more often two-dimensional (formal-semantic) in nature and “their occurrence is due to the resources of both Russian and, to a lesser extent, the Ossetian language itself...” (1, p. 730). Functional shifts manifest themselves in accordance with two multidirectional vectors: on the one hand, the influence of globalization and, on the other, the process of regionalization, which allows for a kind of preservation of ethnic identity. While the Russian linguistic taste is very hostile to the intensive liberalization and even criminalization of the modern lexical stock, the modern Ossetian language, on the contrary, shows the traditional norms of linguistic activity: the historically formed way of life, which is largely relevant for the modern speakers of the Ossetian language, largely motivates the patterns of behavior, including the patterns of linguistic taste. Keywords: dynamics of language, language process, neolexemes, neologization, democratization of language, liberalization of language, actualization of lexemes | 130 | |||||
578 | The article examines the tradition of guest visits retpe çӳreni/ertele kaini in the contemporary festive and ritual culture of the Chuvash people using the example of rural communities – the traditional environment for the emergence and existence of their ethnic culture. The study aims to identify forms of visits and determine their role in the system of social relations of an ethnic group. The work characterizes traditional elements and innovations in the culture of hospitality, describes the main signs of change in this custom, and identifies factors of change under the influence of socio-economic factors in the – first decades of the XXI century. The article considers the guest visit as a socially conditioned phenomenon, which, in its dynamics, reflects the processes of social change. The study is based on the field material collected by the authors in 1998–2003 and 2020–2022 in the republics of Bashkortostan and Tatarstan, the Samara region, and the Republic of Chuvashia. The study shows that the traditions of visits were part of the festivals and rituals of the Chuvash people, determined the structure, spatial, temporal, and action-related characteristics, and acted as one of the effective forms of social interaction within the patronymic groups at the level of the rural community. In contemporary culture, visits and related ritual actions continue to exist in integral form or as separate elements in the Chuvash calendar ritual, forming an important part of religious and ritual practices in some rural areas. Elements of guest etiquette, the digital ritual code, the attitude towards guests as part of the ritual, the preparation of traditional dishes, etc., have been preserved. The existing practices of hosting people at home show that this form of social interaction is necessary to maintain and strengthen intra-village relationships and family ties. The change in customs is expressed more in the fact that the traditional forms are being replaced by innovations that are not ethnic in nature, that the composition of the participants, the forms of hospitality, and their characteristics are changing, and that the ritual is diminishing over time. The changes are due to the weakening (sometimes loss) of family and neighborhood ties in rural communities, the declining importance of folk festivals and rituals in public life, and the advent of modern means of communication. Keywords: guest visits, hospitality, holidays, rituals, Chuvash | 129 | |||||
579 | Keywords: . | 123 | |||||
580 | The article deals with the cultural and linguistic dynamics in the development of the Oirat ethnic minority in Mongolia, who have lived compactly in a linguistically related environment for several centuries. This includes Oirat ethnic groups such as the Durvud, Torguud, Zakhchin, Myangad, Bayad, Uriankhai, Uuld, Khotgoid, Khoshuud, Khoyt and Khoton. The Oirat language belongs to the western branch of the Mongolian languages of the Altaic language family. It is an ancient written language. The Oirat script “Todo bichg” (clear script) was de-ve¬loped in 1648 by the Oirat scholar Zaya Pandita. A characteristic feature of the language situation in Mongolia is that most languages belong to the Mongolian language family and are, therefore, surrounded by other closely related languages. The article aims to analyze the dynamics in the development of Oirat idioms in Mongolia under the conditions of a cognate environment in order to specify their linguistic vitality. Language contact between related languages can lead to the assimilation of the language of a smaller language community, usually into a dialect of the dominant language community. Rapid assimilation can occur for several reasons. Firstly, the psychological factor is decisive. As a rule, the speakers of the assimilating language have no psychological barriers, since they are in a culturally and linguistically related environment and are not subject to any moral or psychological pressure from the dominant group, the language change takes place almost unnoticed. Secondly, due to the genetic proximity of the idioms with which they come into contact, the minority languages are restricted in their range of functions, giving way to the dominant language and thus losing prestige. These linguistic processes can be clearly traced in the functional and structural development of the language of the Oirat groups in Mongolia. The article analyzes the language change of the Oirat people in Mongolia based on material from a sociolinguistic field study conducted in 2024 among the Oirat people in Mongolia. Keywords: Mongolian languages, the Oirats, language contacts, cognate language environment, language shift, language vitality | 5 | |||||
581 | The article examines the ideas of the mammoth in the traditions of the Siberian peoples, with special attention to the image of the mammoth-horned fish known to the Kets, Selkups, Ob-Ugrians, and Evenkis. The word for ‘mammoth fish’ has been reliably reconstructed for the Yenician proto-language (*čer), and the Yeniseian name of this mythological being has been borrowed into the Turkic languages of Southern Siberia and the Evenks. This root has a deeper Proto-Sino-Caucasian etymology with parallels in the meaning ‘worm,’ ‘lizard,’ ‘snail,’ etc. In the mythology of the Sino-Caucasian peoples who are linguistically distantly related to Yeniseian (Chinese, Burish, and their neighbors, etc.), a mythologeme is known about the transformation of an animal from the fish-lizard-snake class into a dragon-like creature. These data are used to reconstruct the appearance of the mammoth-fish image among the speakers of the Proto-Yeniseian language after their advance into Siberia on the basis of older Sino-Caucasian mythological traditions. In the iconography of the Okunev archeological culture, there are images of ichthyomorphs that are structurally, compositionally, and in detail similar to the images of the mammoth fish among the peoples of Siberia, which shows parallels with the above-mentioned mythologems and the development of the image of the mammoth fish in the spiritual culture of the speakers of the Proto-Yeniseian language. In addition, the overall composition of Okunev’s stelae shows striking structural similarities with the composition of the sacred iconography of Ket, including images of lizards, grave signs, and shamanistic symbols. These parallels have no equivalent in the culture of other peoples of Siberia and should be explained in the context of the development of the Proto-Yeniseian language and mythology. Some iconographic parallels exist in the Ket tradition and in the art of other Siberian cultures in the Okunevo region (especially the Samuś culture). In this respect, there is reason to believe that speakers of the early Proto-Yeniseian language were involved in the formation of the Okunevo culture. The data from physical anthropology and genetics confirm the latter thesis. Keywords: ethnic history, etymology, comparative linguistics, mythology, iconography, Yeniseian languages, Sino-Caucasian languages, Kets, Siberian peoples, archeological culture of Okunevo, mammoth | 5 | |||||
582 | The article considers data from Sakha that marks an approximate quantity in numerical constructions. The article describes a system of such markers. First, I analyze the available data from published sources and represent the inventory of markers in Sakha. In particular, I have described the marker igin (игин), for which there is no data both in the grammatical descriptions known to me and in the dictionaries. I have refined the data on the other approximate quantity markers in comparison with the literature. I also described the surface morphosyntax of such constructions (linear position in a quantified expression, in particular, the ability to occur between the elements of a complex quantifier). The investigation revealed two different strategies of word order in numerical constructions. Second, I analyzed the contexts with other classes of numerals and some syntactic categories beyond quantified expressions with cardinal numerals. As this part of my investigation has shown, imprecise quantity markers in Sakha are incompatible with ordinal numerals (except for igin). The morphosyntactic properties of an approximative quantity marker хас (xas) have also been described. These properties distinguish it from other operators that mark an approximate quantity. Third, I examined the cross-category properties of the markers in question. It was shown that the markers kurduk (курдук), saɣa (саҕа), and keriŋe (кэриҥэ) can function as equatives (marking the standard of comparison). In this usage, saɣa and keriŋe are also restricted to quantitative contexts, while the distribution of kurduk is much broader. It has been shown that kurduk acquires an epistemic modal function in combination with non-finite verbal forms. The corresponding data were analyzed in terms of scales and pragmatic halos resulting from the framework presented in [Lasersohn 1999]. Finally, it was shown that different types of scales are available for the approximate markers analyzed in this paper. Keywords: Sakha, quantified expressions, comparative constructions, numerals, approximation, equatives, scales | 4 | |||||
583 | Bilingualism in the Republic of Bashkortostan plays an important role in preserving the region’s cultural diversity and national identity. By enabling people to communicate in two languages, it allows them to participate in different aspects of life while preserving their linguistic and cultural heritage. The article deals with bilingualism and polylingualism in the Republic of Bashkortostan. It deals with the extent of the spread of national-Russian bilingualism. Bashkir-Russian and Tatar-Russian bilingualisms are the most developed in the republic. For the study, quantitative analysis of information from various sources was used. Statistical processing of digital data was used to create the tables. The aim of this work is to study the peculiarities of the functioning of bilingualism and multilingualism in the Republic of Bashkortostan based on census data. The main types of these phenomena are identified. The author also draws attention to multilingual education in modern society. The educational institutions of the Republic of Bashkortostan have organized the study of 14 native languages. The article also notes that subordinate bilingualism and polylingualism are accompanied by interference errors, the study of which will help to develop effective methods for teaching Russian as a second language to native speakers of the national language and avoid the repetition of these errors in the future. According to the results of the All-Russian census, it was found that there are about 150 languages in the republic. The languages of international communication are Russian, Bashkir, and Tatar. The population of the Republic of Bashkortostan is 4091423 people, including Bashkirs – 1268806, Russians – 1509246, Tatars – 974533, Mari – 84988, Chuvashs – 79950, Ukrai-nians – 14876, Mordvins – 10970, Udmurts – 17149, Belarusians – 3753, other nationalities – 61096. It should be noted that 98.5% of the population speaks Russian, Bashkir – 23%, Tatar – 20.1%, English – 3.2%, Mari – 1.5%, and Chuvash – 1.3% of the population of the Republic of Belarus. Despite all the conditions created to preserve the national languages of their peoples, there is a decline in the level of mastery of native languages in the republic, with the exception of Russian. Keywords: Bashkir language, native language, Russian language, bilingualism, polylingualism, multilin¬gualism, types of bilingualism, census | 4 | |||||
584 | The intonation of Turkic languages has practically not been researched yet. In modern society, against the background of globalization and the leveling of national characteristics of ethnic groups, the problem of recording, studying, and preserving the cultural characteristics of minority peoples is exceptionally acute. This article is the first to examine the intonation of the Kumandin dialogic language. The Kumandin language belongs to the East Uyghur branch of the Turkic languages of the Altai language family, has no established written tradition, and functions only in oral form, accelerating its disappearance. The relevance of the study arises from the increasing interest in the problems of language communication, documentation, and analysis of data on endangered languages in Siberia. The analysis is based on field recordings using the Praat computer program. According to the results of the analysis of experimental data, interrogative statements in the Kumandin dialogic speech, which are the first replica in the structure of the dialog, are characterized by a higher level of the end of the melodic curve than in the affirmative statements. The response in the Kumandin language, which is in a relative relationship to the preceding interrogative component, is both a structurally communicative and intonationally concluding component of the entire dialogic unit. In incomplete statements, the intonation is clearer and brighter. The frequency level in the analyzed interrogative statements is between 106 and 257 Hz. One of the phenomena that claims the status of a linguistic universal in the field of intonation studies is the raising of the frequency of the main tone or pitch, which is used in most languages to distinguish between interrogative and affirmative intonation. Intonation functions in close interaction with the syntactic and lexico-grammatical means of the language: the more complete the dialogic statement, the weaker the intonational contrast, while a brighter, clearer intonation is observed in incomplete statements. The prospects for further research are to deepen the identified tendencies by expanding the body of research and to describe the general model of the intonational structure of certain questions as a result of comparing the intonational contours of statements with different question words. The intonation of the interrogative part in Kumandin’s dialogic speech is considered for the first time. The relevance of the study arises from the increasing interest in the problems of linguistic communication, documentation, and data analysis of the endangered languages of Siberia. The analysis is carried out based on field recordings using the Praat computer program. According to the results of the analysis of experimental data, interrogative statements, which are the first replica in the structure of the dialog, are characterized by an upward movement of the tone. Keywords: intonation, dialogic speech, minority peoples, the language of the Kumandins, Praat | 3 | |||||
585 | The article examines the dialectal material of the Selkup language collected in the 20th century by A. P. Dulzon and his successors and by G. Miller, P. Pallas, and M. Castrén in the 18th century. From the perspective of dialect-differentiating isoglosses, the article shows numerous exceptions in the correspondence between the southern and central Selkup dialects. When looking at materials based on known isoglosses, it is difficult to identify systematic differences between southern and central dialects in the 18th century. This article, therefore, aims to investigate when the differences between the southern and central dialects emerged and how significant the differences between northern and central-southern Selkup were. To investigate this question, we uploaded five 18th-century dictionaries by G. Miller to the LingvoDoc platform (lingvodoc.ispras.ru). The graph-phonetic isoglosses and the basic vocabulary were then analyzed using proprietary programs. The results show that the northern Selkup dialect already differed phonetically and lexically from the central and southern dialects in the 18th century. It can be assumed that there were two Selkup languages at this period. In this period, there were no systematic phonetic isoglosses between the southern and central dialects, but lexically, they were already different from each other. It has already been established that all the phonetic features of the Narym dialect that can be identified in the 21st century were already present in the book by Saint Makary (Nevsky), “Materials for acquaintance with the dialect of the Ostyak people of the Narym region” written in 1887. Thus, it becomes clear that the phonetic differences between the southern and central dialects appeared only in the early 19th century, although the glottochronological analysis of S. Starostin places their separation in the middle of the 2nd millennium BCE. Keywords: Selkup dialects, graphics, phonetics, lexicostatistics, archived dictionaries, audio dictionary | 3 | |||||
586 | This article describes the distribution of the nasal and stop consonants -m / -p, -n / -t, ŋ / -k in the auslaut independent and phonetically determined positions in the Southern, Central, and Northern dialects of the Selkup language. The Ivankino subdialect of the central Ob dialect is also distinguished as a transition zone between the southern and central areas. The study is carried out using corpus data based on written sources. In phonetically independent positions – in isolated use of word forms and before pauses (before dots and commas) - the distribution of homorganic nasal and stop consonants in the auslaut is meant as a dialect feature: Southern -m, -n, -ŋ; Central -p, -t, -k; Northern -m/-p (~Ø), -n/-t (~Ø), -ŋ/-k (~Ø); transition zone -m / -p, -n / -t, -ŋ / -k (depending on the speaker’s idiolect). In phonetically determined positions – continuous pronunciation that does not imply a pause in speech - the following distribution of consonants applies: Central: -p, -t, -k + noise consonant ~ -m, -n, -ŋ + sonorant consonant / -m, -n, -ŋ + vowel; Northern (based on the Taz dialect): -m, -n, -ŋ + vowel, -m, -n, -ŋ (~ Ø) + nasal consonant, -p, -t, -k (~ Ø) + noise consonant, -m / -p (~Ø), -n / -t (~Ø), -ŋ /-k (~Ø) + non-nasal sonorant consonant. In the Southern dialects, the rules of the phonetic environment do not work; the consonants -m, -n, -ŋ are always used. In the transitional Ivankino subdialect of the Middle Ob dialect, the distribution in contextual positions does not always work due to the Southern dialectal characteristics of the individual speakers. The combinatorial phenomena considered in the Selkup dialects represent a general trend rather than a strict rule. Keywords: homorganic consonants, auslaut, combinatorial phenomena, corpus data, Selkup language | 2 | |||||
587 | The main idea and purpose of this article is to test the hypothesis that the results of the 2020 All-Russian census compared to the 2010 census show a statistically significant increase in the emotivity coefficient, i.e., the number of people who claim an ethnic language as their mother tongue but do not actually know it. Buryat was named among the languages that, on the contrary, showed low emotivity coefficient, which might indicate a decrease in its symbolic value between 2010 and 2020. To test the hypothesis regarding the Buryat language, the authors of the article compared the data from the ‘big’ statistics (censuses) with the ‘small’ statistics – materials from regional studies on the Republic of Buryatia. The comparison revealed several differences between them. The 2020 census showed that the number of people who know the Buryat language, use it in everyday life, and consider it their mother tongue has increased. The 2020 regional survey, on the other hand, showed a sharp decline in the number of people who consider Buryat to be their mother tongue and an equally sharp increase in the number of people with a dual ethnolinguistic identity. According to the authors, this difference can be attributed to the lack of information on two or more mother tongues in the final 2020 census data. However, this information indicates new trends, hybrid ethnonyms, and an increased number of people who have not declared their ethnicity. The analysis of regional statistics also showed the similarity of today’s Buryat linguistic competence with that at the end of the Soviet era and the mechanism of language shift. This mechanism consists of the redistribution of language skills within the concept of language competence itself: the gradual increase in passive skills, the decrease in active skills, and the variation in literacy skills depending on the vector of language policy in education. The research confirmed the decreased emotivity coefficient of the Buryat language; on the contrary, during the post-Soviet period, the "language-ethnicity" link is gradually being torn apart in everyday consciousness reflecting the Buryats' self-assessment of their real linguistic competence in the ethnic language. Keywords: language, ethnic identity, symbolic value of language, emotivity coefficient, mother tongue, Buryat language, linguistic competence, censuses, regional statistics | 2 | |||||
588 | Geographical names with the word ‘snake’ are common in Bashkir toponymy. This article aims to uncover the reasons for using such names and to shed light on their origins. The occurrence of snakes in certain habitats is the most important factor influencing the appearance of these names. River names associated with the image of a snake have a visual connection to the movements and appearance of a snake that can be observed. The image of a crawling or slithering snake reflects the popular perception of the flow of a river. Furthermore, the inclusion of snake imagery in toponymy can be traced back to ancient Bashkir beliefs and mythology, in which snakes play an important role. An analysis of the mythological material shows that the snake symbolizes the feminine principle, life, fertility, and bodies of water such as rivers and lakes. Consequently, ‘snake’ names are predominantly associated with bodies of water, with these geographical features being viewed both positively and negatively in the popular consciousness. Therefore, distinguishing between sacred and negative places in Bashkir toponymy is possible. According to Bashkir mythology, the snake, as a totem animal, serves as a guide through infinite space and can locate drinking water sources. As the snake is the totem of the Bashkir clan Yylan, it is reflected above all in Bashkir ethnohydronymy, especially in relation to sacred places. In Bashkir mythology, the snake stands for both life and death, which means that bodies of water named after it are associated with “negative” places. Derogatory names in Bashkir hydronyms are associated with symbols from Iranian mythology, such as Azhdaha, Azhi, and Azhai, which stand for dragons or monsters. These creatures are believed to inhabit lakes and swamps, making the water unsuitable for drinking. For this reason, these objects are classified as “negative” places in Bashkir toponymy. Keywords: toponymy, Bashkir toponymy, snake image, reclamation toponyms, pejorative toponyms | 1 | |||||
589 | The article examines strategies for expressing attributive relations in languages of different typologies to implement national communicative behavior and reflect the semantic-syntactic features of Tungus-Manchu languages. In the Tungus-Manchu languages, where the class of adjectives is quite sparse, attributive semantics is realized by morphosyntactic means: proper attributives, possessive constructions, and possession constructions. In the Tungus-Manchu languages, non-possession constructions are used to express negative attributive meanings, forming possessive adjectives with the negative particle -ana, which semantically correspond to the Russian negative adjectives with the prefixes не- and без-. The structure of an attributive construction traditionally consists of at least two components: a definition (an adjective as the main means of expressing attributive semantics) and a definitum (a name of nominative semantics, which in Russian, for example, indicates the categorial characteristics of a defining adjective: number, case, and gender). Neutral, for example Russian ‘про солдатск=ую наград=у‘ or ‘по старой железн=ой дорог=е‘. In possessive constructions (noun + noun in possessive form), the relationships are realized at the level of word order: the first component – possessor – is a noun, the second substantivally expressed component is definite, the connection between them is established by possessive suffixes that reflect the personal number of the possessor. In the Tungus-Manchu languages, there are different types of possessive constructions, substantival and pronominal, which differ in the grammatical affiliation of the possessor (the noun itself or a pronoun-noun). Possessive constructions are formalized by possessive adjectives and are represented in the Tungus-Manchu languages as one-component but semantically complex constructions that realize the semantics of the phrase (‘to possess something denoted as a nominal base: to have something denoted as a base’ – a noun) and as two-component constructions: The first component is a noun denoting a characteristic feature by quantity or quality, quite regularly in the instrumentalis form (a form without case indicators is acceptable) and a possessive adjective. Adjectives in this category exclusively fill a postposition in relation to the defined object. Semantic criteria regulate the qualification of possessive constructions expressing attributive relationships: As equivalents of the definitions agreed upon in Russian, some components characterize the inalienable properties of a subject – a person or another living being (аси=лу ‘женой обладающий = женатый’, геда=ди путтэ=лу ‘одним ребенком не обладающий = бездетный’). When denoting alienable properties, the semantics of the adjective possession corresponds to the inconsistent definitions of the Russian language (нари куче=лу ‘человек, ножом обладающий = человек с ножом’). Keywords: attribution, possessiveness, possessive construction, grammatical status of the possessor, constructions of possession and non-possession | 1 | |||||
590 | The algorithms for the correlation of vocal and consonant components of the sound structure of a soft-order word form are investigated using material from the Turkic languages of Southern Siberia and the Mongolian languages of Russia and Mongolia. According to the results of the auditory and instrumental analysis, four models of the implementation of the category of softness were identified in the Turkic and Mongolian languages, the selection of which is based on the presence of either a class of phonemes of the mediolingual and medio-interlingual articulatory series in the consonant system (the 1st and 2nd correlation model are implemented in all Turkic languages considered except Khakass and Mongolian–Kalmyk) or a class of palatalized units with different phonemic status (3rd and 4th model in Khakass, Khori-Buryat, Khalkha-Mongolian). The 1st model is characterized by the acoustic effect of a strong or moderate softness of the consonant: mediolingual and medio-interlingual consonants can only be combined with vowels of the front row. The 2nd model is realized with the acoustic effect of a weak or super-weak palatalization: frontlingual, interlingual, and backlingual consonants require vowels of the central, central-back, or mixed articulatory series after them. The 3rd model is used in soft-order word forms with vowels of the front articulatory series that have a regressive assimilative effect on the preceding consonant and cause its strong or moderate palatalization. The 4th model is used in word forms with non-frontal vowels of a soft synharmonic series (central, central-back, and mixed-row) that cause only a weak palatalization of a prepositive consonant. The obvious material and structural similarity of phonico-phonological systems, a unified typology of the principles of formation of the phonetic appearance of the word form in the South Siberian Turkic and Mongolian languages have developed in the process of long-term contacts of ethnic groups and their languages in different areas of their distribution and in different periods of historical development. Keywords: South Siberian Turkic languages, Mongolian languages, phonetics, vocalism, consonantism, palatality, palatalization, correlation models | 1 | |||||
591 | The article is dedicated to the methodological problems of visual folkloristics. The article justifies the necessity of its separation into a sub-discipline of visual anthropology and classical folklore studies. According to the author, the language of cinema is the semiotic system capable of capturing such a complex cultural phenomenon as a folkloristic work as completely, adequately, and accurately as possible. The importance of the non-verbal and extra-musical aspects of the performance, which are lost in text or audio recordings, is emphasized. The article is based on the field material collected by the author during folkloristic-ethnographic expeditions in different regions of Siberia. Examples are given of video recordings of such complex rituals as the Bear Festival and the honoring of family patron spirits among the Khanty, shamanic initiation among the Buryats, and the Altai calendar ritual Jazhyl bӱr (‘Green Leaves’). Practical recommendations are given for the choice of this or that recording method in different situations. The relevance of recording rituals with two cameras and the continuous recording method is justified. The problem of subsequent editing of the filmed material – various editing options depending on the task and target audience and the analysis of the existing video material from the point of view of various scientific disciplines (ethnography, linguistics, folklore, musicology, choreography) is considered separately. The author believes that the joint viewing of folklore videos with informants can serve as a “catalyst” for the creative activity of performers and can be used for this purpose in field research. The end result of a visual folklorist’s work can be a folklore film, a multimedia disk, a database stored online, illustrations for articles and academic reports, and educational materials for school and university students. Another issue is the copyright of the video material, which should be clarified at least through a verbal agreement with the informant, respecting all his wishes regarding confidential information. The author concludes that only integrated digital video and audio recordings can provide the necessary level of completeness and adequacy to capture such a multidimensional phenomenon as folklore and that audiovisual folklore has already developed its own tasks and methods to solve them, moving from the level of recording the performance of a folkloristic work to the level of its complex interdisciplinary study. Keywords: visual anthropology, visual folkloristics, ritual folklore, video recording, methodology, video editing, authenticity | 1 |